Iran’s Internet Reconnection, U.S. and Iran Diplomacy Under Fire, Ghalibaf Re-Elected, and More

Week of May 25, 2026 | Iran Unfiltered is a digest tracking Iranian politics & society by the National Iranian American Council

Iran’s Internet Reconnection Advances Despite Ongoing Technical and Political Challenges 

A few days after Iran began reconnecting to the global internet following nearly three months of severe restrictions, access continues to expand across the country, offering cautious optimism for millions of users, businesses, students, and digital professionals who have been affected by one of the longest internet disruptions in the country’s history.

The restoration process, initiated under the direction of President Masoud Pezeshkian, represents a significant shift after months of near-total isolation from the global internet. While connectivity remains uneven and technical issues persist, multiple indicators suggest that international access is steadily improving and that the government intends to continue the gradual reopening process.

Iranian telecommunications officials report that international internet traffic has been increasing daily. Behzad Akbari, head of Iran’s Telecommunication Infrastructure Company, stated that restoring service quality and international traffic requires time due to the unusually long duration of the shutdown. Officials have described the process as a phased reconnection designed to ensure network stability and security as millions of users return to international services.

Recent data from internet monitoring organizations and network analytics firms show a substantial increase in traffic flowing into and out of Iran. Telecommunications providers have confirmed that many users of fixed broadband services, including fiber, VDSL, and ADSL connections, have regained access to international websites and online services. Traffic measurements indicate that international connectivity has expanded significantly since the first days of restoration and continues to trend upward.

The reconnection has been welcomed by many Iranians whose work, education, and daily lives depend on access to the global internet. During the extended disruption, online businesses, freelancers, technology companies, researchers, students, and content creators faced major challenges. The return of international connectivity is expected to help revive segments of Iran’s digital economy that experienced significant losses during the shutdown period.

Government officials have increasingly emphasized these economic and educational considerations. President Pezeshkian and senior members of his administration have repeatedly argued that prolonged restrictions impose costs on scientific research, innovation, entrepreneurship, and economic growth. First Vice President Mohammad Reza Aref recently described broader internet access as an important step for supporting digital businesses and reconnecting Iran’s technology sector with global networks.

The government has also publicly defended the decision to restore international internet access. In a recent statement, officials argued that broader connectivity is necessary to support employment, education, digital commerce, public satisfaction, and social stability. The statement suggested that restoring internet access aligns with both public demand and the country’s long-term economic interests.

At the same time, the reopening has generated debate within Iran’s political establishment. Some conservative lawmakers and figures associated with previous filtering policies have questioned the legal framework used to authorize the restoration process and have raised security concerns regarding international connectivity. Legal challenges have also emerged regarding the authority of the government body overseeing the reconnection effort.

Despite these disputes, the restoration process has continued. The ongoing expansion of access suggests that key parts of the government remain committed to moving forward with reconnecting the country to the global internet. The debate itself highlights the importance of internet policy within Iran and reflects broader discussions about economic modernization, digital governance, and the balance between security concerns and public access.

While many users continue to report slow speeds, filtering, and intermittent service disruptions, experts note that such issues are common following a prolonged nationwide shutdown. Iranian telecommunications officials have indicated that improvements in quality and stability are expected over the coming days as network infrastructure is fully restored and international traffic returns to normal levels.

Questions remain about the pace of restoration, the future of filtering policies, and the long-term direction of Iran’s internet governance. Nevertheless, the recent developments represent the most substantial improvement in internet access since the restrictions began. The coming weeks will determine whether the current reopening evolves into a more durable and comprehensive restoration of connectivity, but the trend so far points toward a gradual return of Iran’s connection to the global internet.

Diplomacy Under Fire: Iran and the United States Move Closer to Agreement Amid Continued Confrontations in the Persian Gulf

Iran and the United States appear to be moving closer to a possible agreement to extend the current ceasefire and open a new diplomatic track, even as military confrontations in and around the Persian Gulf continue to test the limits of that process.

The central contradiction of the current moment is clear: Washington and Tehran are negotiating, but they are also trying to shape the battlefield and the terms of any future agreement through pressure. The United States is attempting to reopen the Strait of Hormuz through military, diplomatic, and sanctions pressure, while Iran is insisting that any return to normal shipping must take place under its own security framework and with recognition of its authority over the waterway.

U.S. Vice President JD Vance recently stated that the two sides are “very close” to an agreement, though negotiations have not yet reached the final stage. According to reports, the emerging framework could include a 60-day extension of the ceasefire, the gradual reopening of the Strait of Hormuz, and the launch of negotiations over Iran’s nuclear program. Vance acknowledged that several significant issues remain unresolved, including the details of the agreement’s text and the future of Iran’s uranium enrichment activities.

Iranian officials have also signaled that diplomacy remains active. President Masoud Pezeshkian, in a telephone conversation with Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, thanked Pakistan for its “effective efforts” to help achieve an agreement and reiterated Iran’s commitment to diplomacy. Pakistan has emerged as the principal mediator in the current negotiations, while Qatar has played an increasingly important supporting role, particularly regarding discussions related to sanctions relief, frozen Iranian assets, and the implementation of a possible agreement.

The involvement of Pakistan, Qatar, and China reflects the increasingly regional nature of the diplomatic effort. Pakistani officials have repeatedly expressed optimism that negotiations are moving in the right direction. During recent meetings in Beijing, Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and Field Marshal Asim Munir discussed the Iran-U.S. negotiations with Chinese leaders. Pakistan has portrayed the talks as critical not only for regional stability but also for global economic security, particularly because of the importance of the Strait of Hormuz to international energy markets.

Despite the recent diplomatic momentum, the ceasefire remains extremely fragile. Over the past week, several military incidents have threatened to derail the process. The U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM) announced that American forces intercepted multiple Iranian drones operating near the Strait of Hormuz and targeted a ground control site near Bandar Abbas that was allegedly preparing to launch another drone. Washington described these actions as defensive measures intended to protect commercial shipping and maintain freedom of navigation.

Iran strongly rejected this characterization. The Iranian Foreign Ministry condemned the strikes near Bandar Abbas as a violation of international law, Iranian sovereignty, and the ceasefire agreement itself. The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) subsequently announced that it had targeted the American base from which the operation had allegedly originated and warned that any future attacks would receive a stronger response.

Additional incidents followed. CENTCOM reported that a ballistic missile launched toward Kuwait was intercepted and described the attack as a “flagrant violation” of the ceasefire. Kuwaiti authorities condemned the incident and called on Iran to immediately halt any actions threatening Kuwaiti territory. Iran, meanwhile, accused the United States of repeatedly violating the ceasefire through military operations near its territorial waters and airspace.

These incidents illustrate that the ceasefire is not a true peace agreement but rather a tense military pause. Both governments continue to portray their actions as defensive. Washington argues that it is protecting U.S. forces, commercial shipping, and regional security. Tehran argues that it is defending its sovereignty, territorial integrity, and legitimate authority over the Strait of Hormuz.

The Strait of Hormuz has become the central issue linking the military and diplomatic tracks. Iran has established a new Persian Gulf Strait Authority tasked with overseeing and coordinating maritime traffic through the waterway. Iranian officials claim that dozens of vessels have recently passed through the strait after receiving authorization from Iranian authorities. The IRGC has publicly stated that commercial vessels have coordinated their passage with Iranian naval forces and that traffic through the strait can continue safely under Iranian supervision.

These actions suggest that Tehran is attempting to establish a new reality in which passage through the Strait of Hormuz takes place under an Iranian-administered framework, potentially coordinated with Oman. Iranian media reports have claimed that future arrangements would allow commercial traffic to return to pre-war levels while preserving a formal role for Iran in regulating maritime transit.

The United States rejects that approach. Washington recently sanctioned the newly established Persian Gulf Strait Authority, describing it as an attempt by the IRGC to control and profit from international maritime commerce. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent warned that the pressure campaign against Iran would continue and potentially expand until a satisfactory agreement is reached.

As a result, a dual-track reality has emerged. Diplomacy is moving forward, but the United States is simultaneously attempting to force open Hormuz through military pressure and sanctions, while Iran is attempting to institutionalize and enforce its control over the strait. Each side appears to believe that leverage at sea will strengthen its negotiating position at the table. This tension is also reflected in the competing narratives surrounding the draft agreement currently under discussion.

Iranian state media have published portions of what they describe as an informal 14-point memorandum of understanding, reportedly including the lifting of the U.S. naval blockade of Iranian ports, the withdrawal of American forces from areas surrounding Iran, sanctions relief, access to frozen Iranian assets, and the restoration of commercial traffic through the Strait of Hormuz under Iranian-Omani coordination.

The White House has dismissed portions of these reports as fabricated or incomplete. President Donald Trump has repeatedly stated that he is not yet satisfied with the proposals under discussion and has emphasized that any agreement must address American concerns regarding Iran’s nuclear program and regional activities.

At the same time, Trump has displayed signs of flexibility. In remarks viewed by many observers as a shift from earlier U.S. positions, he suggested that Iran’s enriched uranium could be destroyed either in the United States or, preferably, inside Iran under international supervision. The statement was widely interpreted as a partial move toward Tehran’s position and as evidence that negotiations are continuing to evolve.

Domestic politics in both countries continue to complicate the negotiations. In Washington, some Republican lawmakers and Israeli officials remain skeptical of any agreement that would leave Iran with substantial strategic leverage. They argue that military pressure should continue until Iran makes more significant concessions.

In Tehran, influential political and military figures are also signaling caution. This skepticism was highlighted by Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, who recently published a pointed message outlining Iran’s approach to the negotiations. Ghalibaf wrote that “we obtain concessions not through negotiations, but through missiles; at the negotiating table we merely explain them.” He added that Iran has “no trust in guarantees or promises” and that only actions—not words—can serve as a basis for confidence. According to Ghalibaf, Iran will take no steps before the other side acts first, underscoring Tehran’s insistence on verification and reciprocity. Perhaps most notably, he argued that “the winner of any agreement is the side that is better prepared for war the day after it is signed.”

His comments reflect a broader view among many Iranian policymakers that diplomacy and deterrence are not alternatives but complementary instruments of statecraft. From this perspective, negotiations are intended to secure political and economic gains while preserving military readiness and strategic leverage. As one of Iran’s most influential political figures and a senior participant in the broader decision-making process, Ghalibaf’s comments suggest that even if an agreement is reached, Tehran will continue to view deterrence and military preparedness as essential components of its national security strategy.

The immediate objective of the current negotiations appears relatively modest but strategically important: extending the ceasefire, preventing a return to full-scale war, reopening maritime traffic, releasing frozen assets, and establishing a framework for more comprehensive negotiations on Iran’s nuclear program and regional security issues. Yet even this limited objective remains uncertain. Every military incident in or around the Strait of Hormuz risks undermining diplomatic progress and strengthening opponents of compromise on both sides.

For now, neither Iran nor the United States appears eager to return to full-scale war. The ceasefire has survived significantly longer than many observers initially expected, and both governments continue to engage through mediators despite repeated violations and mutual accusations. Nevertheless, the current situation remains highly unstable. The same waterway that could become the foundation of a diplomatic breakthrough—the Strait of Hormuz—remains the most likely flashpoint for renewed confrontation.

The coming days and weeks will determine whether diplomacy can successfully contain the military pressure campaign unfolding in the Persian Gulf or whether the struggle over Hormuz will once again push Washington and Tehran toward a broader conflict. Until then, negotiations and confrontation are likely to continue side by side, each shaping the other in a volatile and uncertain balance.

Iran Executes Two Men Accused of Espionage as Post-War Execution Surge Continues

Iranian authorities have announced the execution of two men accused of spying for Israel and the United States, marking the latest developments in a broader post-war crackdown that has led to a sharp increase in executions on national security charges.

According to Iran’s judiciary, Gholamreza Khani-Shakarab was executed after being convicted of espionage on behalf of Israel’s intelligence agency, Mossad. The judiciary-affiliated Mizan News Agency described him as a person with a criminal background and alleged that he had been recruited by Mossad for various operations. Iranian authorities claimed that one of his assigned missions involved traveling to a regional country to identify and facilitate the assassination of a Jewish rabbi. The judiciary stated that he was eventually apprehended by Iran’s Revolutionary Guard intelligence forces and later sentenced to death after judicial proceedings and Supreme Court review.

In a separate case, Iranian authorities announced the execution of Mojtaba Kian, who was accused of conducting intelligence activities for both Israel and the United States during the recent conflict. According to the judiciary, Kian transmitted information concerning Iran’s defense industries, including alleged coordinates and details related to facilities involved in the production of defense-related components. Officials stated that evidence presented against him included confessions made before and during trial proceedings.

The execution of Kian has drawn particular attention because of the speed of the judicial process. According to reports from Iranian state media, less than fifty days passed between his arrest and execution, raising concerns among human rights organizations regarding adequate legal representation, due process protections, and the ability of defendants to mount a meaningful defense in national security cases.

These executions come amid a broader wave of capital punishment following the recent conflict involving Iran, Israel, and the United States. Human rights organizations estimate that more than 30 individuals connected to political or security-related charges have been executed since the outbreak of the war, reflecting a significant escalation in the use of the death penalty in such cases.

International human rights groups have repeatedly expressed concern about the fairness of trials involving espionage and national security charges in Iran. Rights advocates argue that many cases rely heavily on confessions that may have been obtained under coercion, pressure, or torture, while defendants often face limited access to legal counsel and restricted opportunities to challenge evidence presented against them.

The growing number of executions has also attracted attention from United Nations officials. Mai Sato, the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Iran, recently echoed concerns raised by Volker Türk, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, urging Iranian authorities to halt executions, release individuals arbitrarily detained, and restore internet access. Sato warned that the use of national security charges to suppress dissent, the imposition of death sentences based on allegedly coerced confessions, and the targeting of ethnic and religious minorities are patterns that have continued despite the fragile ceasefire that followed the recent conflict.

The latest executions occur against the backdrop of a broader rise in capital punishment in Iran. Human rights groups note that Iran continues to rank among the world’s leading executioners. According to the Norway-based organization Iran Human Rights, at least 1,500 people were executed in Iran during the previous year, one of the highest annual totals recorded in recent decades. The organization reported that some of those executions were connected to cases arising from the nationwide protests of 2022 and 2023.

The recent espionage-related executions highlight the Iranian government’s emphasis on counterintelligence and national security following the war. At the same time, they have intensified longstanding debates over due process, transparency, and the use of capital punishment in politically sensitive cases. As executions continue to rise, domestic authorities and international human rights advocates remain sharply divided over whether these measures represent legitimate national security enforcement or a growing erosion of judicial safeguards.

Iran Begins Reconnecting to the Global Internet After Months of Digital Isolation

Published May 26, 2026

After nearly three months of severe internet restrictions and one of the longest nationwide digital blackouts ever recorded, Iran has begun partially restoring access to the global internet, marking a significant development after months of domestic and international concern over the country’s communications shutdown.

The restoration process follows an order by President Masoud Pezeshkian, who approved measures to reconnect the country after discussions within a newly established government body tasked with managing cyberspace policy. Iranian authorities had previously linked the internet shutdown to security concerns and wartime conditions, describing the restrictions as necessary during a period of instability.

However, the reconnection process has quickly become entangled in institutional and political disputes within Iran. Reports indicate that the Administrative Justice Court temporarily challenged the implementation of decisions issued by the government’s Special Headquarters for Organizing and Managing Cyberspace, arguing that questions remain regarding the legal status and authority of the body’s structure. Despite this legal dispute, signs of internet recovery nevertheless began to appear.

Internet monitoring organizations reported a measurable increase in connectivity. NetBlocks stated that after approximately 2,093 hours of near-total international isolation, real-time indicators showed internet access in Iran beginning to return, though uncertainty remains regarding whether the restoration will be stable or sustained.

Additional network data also suggests that traffic into Iran has increased substantially. Telecommunications providers in Iran announced that users of fixed broadband services, including ADSL, VDSL, and fiber connections, had regained access to international websites and online services. Independent network analysts indicated that the increase was particularly visible through fixed broadband connections.

For many Iranians, the development carries significance beyond a technical policy change. During the prolonged disruption, citizens relied largely on Iran’s domestic intranet system, which limited access primarily to local websites and services. The shutdown disrupted communication with family members abroad, restricted access to independent information sources, and created significant economic pressures, particularly for online businesses, freelancers, content creators, and digital workers. Reports suggest many individuals had to rely on costly VPN services or alternative means of connection in order to maintain limited access to the outside world.

The restoration of internet access also revives debates surrounding President Pezeshkian’s earlier campaign promises regarding internet access and filtering policies. Critics argue that despite earlier pledges to expand digital freedoms, Iran has experienced several prolonged internet disruptions during his presidency. Supporters, meanwhile, view the current decision as an indication that internal debates over internet policy remain ongoing.

While the recent reconnection marks an important shift, questions remain about the durability, scope, and future direction of internet access policies in Iran. Current indicators suggest that connectivity is improving, but whether this signals a lasting return to broader internet access—or only a temporary easing of restrictions—remains uncertain.

Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf Re-Elected as Parliament Speaker Amid Iran’s Wartime and Diplomatic Challenges

Published May 26, 2026

Iran’s parliament has re-elected Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf as Speaker of the Islamic Consultative Assembly, extending his leadership for another year and reaffirming his position as one of the most influential figures in Iran’s current political landscape. Ghalibaf secured 235 votes out of 271 ballots cast, defeating challengers Mohammad Taghi Naqdali and Osman Salari, and beginning his seventh consecutive term as parliament speaker. The vote also kept much of the parliament’s leadership structure intact, with Ali Nikzad and Hamidreza Haji Babaei remaining as deputy speakers.

The election took place during a particularly sensitive period for Iran. It marked the parliament’s first in-person session after nearly three months, following disruptions from the war between Iran, the United States, and Israel. During the conflict period, parliamentary activities had largely been suspended, with only limited virtual sessions taking place. The re-election therefore carried significance beyond a routine parliamentary process; it also represented an effort to project political continuity and institutional stability after months of crisis.

While Ghalibaf has served as parliament speaker since 2020, his role within Iran’s political structure appears to have evolved significantly in recent months. Traditionally, the office of parliamentary speaker is highly influential but does not typically dominate strategic state decision-making. However, recent developments elevated Ghalibaf beyond a purely legislative role. He increasingly emerged as a central figure in coordinating strategic affairs during wartime conditions and managing aspects of Iran’s diplomatic engagement with Washington.

Ghalibaf’s political rise has been shaped by a career spanning multiple branches of the Iranian state. He is a former commander in the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), a former national police chief, and a former mayor of Tehran. Over the years, he has cultivated an image of being a manager and administrator capable of operating across military, security, and political institutions.

During the recent period of regional tensions and war, Ghalibaf’s role appeared particularly significant because of his ability to connect and coordinate different centers of power inside Iran. Rather than functioning only as a parliamentary leader, he increasingly acted as a bridge between political institutions, military actors, and diplomatic channels.

His role in Iran–U.S. negotiations became especially noteworthy. Ghalibaf emerged as one of Tehran’s most visible political figures involved in efforts to manage tensions and pursue negotiations with Washington. His position reflected a dual approach: maintaining a firm posture regarding Iran’s security concerns while also supporting diplomatic engagement. During periods of heightened tension, he repeatedly emphasized that Iran would not negotiate from a position of weakness, while continuing to advocate for diplomatic solutions.

This balancing act reflects a broader feature of Ghalibaf’s political identity. Throughout his career, he has attempted to position himself between ideological firmness and pragmatic state management. His rhetoric often combines strong security language with calls for institutional efficiency and strategic realism.

The parliamentary elections also produced several notable institutional developments. The overall composition of the parliamentary leadership remained largely unchanged, though Somayeh Rafiei, a representative from Tehran, entered the parliamentary board as a secretary, becoming the first woman to join the parliamentary leadership structure in more than two decades, according to Iranian media.

Ghalibaf’s re-election therefore appears to represent more than continuity within parliament itself. It reflects the continued rise of a political figure whose influence increasingly extends into broader questions of national strategy. Whether in managing wartime pressures, coordinating political institutions, or playing a role in diplomatic efforts with the United States, Ghalibaf’s position today appears stronger and more multidimensional than in previous years.

As Iran continues navigating regional tensions, economic challenges, and diplomatic uncertainty, the coming year may determine whether Ghalibaf’s expanded role represents a temporary response to crisis conditions or a deeper transformation within Iran’s political landscape.

Parviz Ghelichkhani: Farewell to Iran’s Greatest Footballer and a Man of Conviction

Published May 26, 2026

Iran has lost not only one of its greatest athletes, but one of its most distinctive and principled public figures. On May 23, 2026, Parviz Ghelichkhani, the former captain of Iran’s national football team and longtime political activist, passed away in a hospital near Paris after years of living with Alzheimer’s disease. He was 81 years old. His passing closes an extraordinary chapter in Iranian sporting and cultural history.

For many Iranians, Ghelichkhani was more than a football player. He represented a rare combination of athletic greatness, dignity, and personal conviction. Across generations of football supporters, players, and analysts, his name has consistently stood among the greatest figures in Iranian football history. Even legendary football figures who came after him spoke of him with extraordinary respect.

Statistics and history reinforce that reputation. Parviz Ghelichkhani remains the only player in Iranian football history to win three AFC Asian Cup titles, having been part of Iran’s championship teams in 1968, 1972, and 1976 — a feat that remains unmatched. He was also among the leaders of what many consider Iran’s golden generation of football, helping define an era that brought the country some of its most important international successes.

Born in Tehran’s working-class Shoush neighborhood in 1945, Ghelichkhani often spoke proudly of his modest roots. The son of a brick-kiln worker, he grew up in difficult circumstances and repeatedly emphasized that his understanding of social realities came from firsthand experience. Football began for him in the streets and dirt fields of southern Tehran, where his exceptional talent quickly attracted attention. By age seventeen he had joined Kian Club and begun a journey that would ultimately make him one of the defining figures in Asian football history.

What made Ghelichkhani exceptional was not merely technical brilliance. Many football historians and former players have described him as the most complete player in Iranian football history. A natural midfielder by position, he possessed extraordinary versatility and played successfully in nearly every area of the field. Coaches often viewed him as their hidden weapon — a player who could become a defender, playmaker, midfielder, or attacking force whenever required. 

Among the many unforgettable moments of his career, perhaps none resonates more strongly than his decisive goal against Israel in the 1968 Asian Cup, which secured Iran’s first continental championship on home soil. That victory became one of the defining moments of Iranian football history and elevated Ghelichkhani into national prominence. He later captained Iran during further successes, including the 1974 Asian Games and the 1976 Asian Cup championship.

Yet Ghelichkhani’s life cannot be understood solely through trophies and football achievements.

Unlike many athletes of his era, he believed sports carried broader responsibilities. He once described himself as, above all else, a committed athlete. His political awareness developed through his experiences with poverty, inequality, and social conditions around him. He frequently cited his admiration for the legendary wrestler Gholamreza Takhti and viewed sportsmanship as inseparable from concern for society and fellow human beings.

His political beliefs came with heavy personal costs. During the final years of the Pahlavi era, Ghelichkhani became involved with leftist political circles and was arrested because of his political activities. Following the 1979 revolution, he remained politically active while living abroad and later became editor of the magazine Arash, focusing on political and cultural issues, censorship, and the rights of political prisoners and intellectuals. His political journey often placed him in difficult positions, making him a controversial figure for some and an admired symbol of commitment and resistance for others.

One frequently cited example of his independent spirit occurred after Iran’s Asian Cup victory when members of the national team met Mohammad Reza Shah. According to Ghelichkhani’s own later recollections, while others followed expected protocol, he refused to participate in the customary act of kissing the Shah’s hand. Whether interpreted politically or personally, the moment later came to symbolize his unwillingness to compromise his beliefs.

Ironically, despite helping shape the most successful era in Iranian football, much of Ghelichkhani’s later life unfolded far from the country where his legend had been created. Political divisions and historical wounds created a separation that lasted decades. Although occasional efforts were made to encourage his return, exile had become a lasting reality.

His death in Paris carries painful symbolism. A player who helped build some of Iran’s proudest football memories died far from the stadiums where crowds once celebrated him. International football institutions may honor him as one of Asia’s historic players, but for many Iranians there remains sadness in knowing that one of their greatest sporting figures spent much of his final life away from his homeland.

Iranian football has continued to produce extraordinary talents across generations — from Ali Daei and Ali Karimi to Mehdi Taremi and Sardar Azmoun. These players have carried Iran’s name onto the world stage and shaped different eras of Iranian football. Yet Parviz Ghelichkhani belonged to a category of his own. His legacy was built not only through goals and trophies, but also through the values and principles he chose to carry throughout his life.

NIAC extends its deepest condolences to Parviz Ghelichkhani’s family, friends, loved ones, and all those whose lives were touched by his remarkable journey. We also extend our sympathies to the many Iranians who admired not only his extraordinary contributions to football but also his enduring commitment to dignity, principles, and service to his country. His legacy will continue to live on in the memory of generations who saw in him both a champion athlete and a devoted son of Iran.